摘要：
英语总统演讲稿就职演讲 －－约翰·肯尼迪 今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面... 英语总统演讲稿
就职演讲 －－约翰·肯尼迪 今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170年前拟定的庄严誓言。 现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。 今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。 让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落一为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。 这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。 对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜：我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。 对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们恪守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。 对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。 对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证——在争取进行的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。 这是英文的地址
First Inaugural Address 肯尼迪总统就职演说We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning; signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago. 今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味看变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。 In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. 公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。 Now the trumpet summons us again, not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are; but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation"，a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself. 现在，号角已再次吹响---不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人---专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。 Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? 为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？ In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility. I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world. 在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。 And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country. 因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么、而要问你们能为国家做些什么。 My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. 全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些计人，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。 Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God's work must truly be our own. 最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。
（美国总统的都比不上他的）I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr. I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! 我有一个梦想 马丁·路德·金 今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。 100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。 然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。 从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可侵犯的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。 然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。 因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。 我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。 如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。 我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。 席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任--因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。 我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人："你们什么时候会感到满意？"只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被"仅供白人"的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。 我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。 回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。 朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。 我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛："我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。" 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚洲的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。 我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州--一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。 我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变--尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行--在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。 这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。 到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌： 我的祖国， 可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。 这是我祖先终老的地方， 这是早期移民自豪的地方， 让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。 如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！ 让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！ 让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！ 让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！ 让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！ 不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！ 让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！ 让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！ 让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！ 当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌："终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！"
布什在华盛顿发表演讲宣布竞选获胜President Bush:Thank you all. Thank you all for coming. We had a long night -- (laughter) -- and a great night. (Cheers, applause.) The voters turned out in record numbers and delivered an historic victory. (Cheers, applause.)Earlier today, Senator Kerry called with his congratulations. We had a really good phone call. He was very gracious. Senator Kerry waged a spirited campaign, and he and his supporters can be proud of their efforts. (Applause.)Laura and I wish Senator Kerry and Teresa and their whole family all our best wishes.America has spoken, and I'm humbled by the trust and the confidence of my fellow citizens. With that trust comes a duty to serve all Americans, and I will do my best to fulfill that duty every day as your president. (Cheers, applause.)There are many people to thank, and my family comes first. (Cheers, applause.) Laura is the love of my life. (Cheers, applause.) I'm glad you love her, too. (Laughter.) I want to thank our daughters, who joined their dad for his last campaign. (Cheers, applause.) I appreciate the hard work of my sister and my brothers. I especially want to thank my parents for their loving support. (Cheers, applause.)I'm grateful to the vice president and Lynne and their daughters, who have worked so hard and been such a vital part of our team. (Cheers, applause.)The vice president serves America with wisdom and honor, and I'm proud to serve beside him. (Cheers, applause.)I want to thank my superb campaign team. I want to thank you all for your hard work. (Cheers, applause.) I was impressed every day by how hard and how skillful our team was. I want to thank Chairman Mark Racicot and -- (cheers, applause) -- the campaign manager Ken Mehlman -- (cheers, applause) – the architect, Karl Rove. (Cheers, applause.) I want to thank Ed Gillespie for leading our party so well. (Cheers, applause.) I want to thank the thousands of our supporters across our country. I want to thank you for your hugs on the rope lines. I want to thank you for your prayers on the rope lines. I want to thank you for your kind words on the rope lines. I want to thank you for everything you did to make the calls and to put up the signs, to talk to your neighbors, and to get out the vote. (Cheers, applause.) And because you did the incredible work, we are celebrating today. (Cheers, applause.) There's an old saying, "Do not pray for tasks equal to your powers, pray for powers equal to your tasks." In four historic years, America has been given great tasks and faced them with strength and courage. Our people have restored the vigor of this economy and shown resolve and patience in a new kind of war. Our military has brought justice to the enemy and honor to America. (Cheers, applause.) Our nation -- our nation has defended itself and served the freedom of all mankind. I'm proud to lead such an amazing country, and I am proud to lead it forward. (Applause.)Because we have done the hard work, we are entering a season of hope. We will continue our economic progress. We will reform our outdated tax code. We will strengthen the Social Security for the next generation.We will make public schools all they can be, and we will uphold our deepest values of family and faith.We will help the emerging democracies of Iraq and Afghanistan -- (cheers, applause) -- so they can -- so they can grow in strength and defend their freedom, and then our servicemen and -women will come home with the honor they have earned. (Cheers, applause.)With good allies at our side, we will fight this war on terror with every resource of our national power so our children can live in freedom and in peace. (Cheers, applause.)Reaching these goals will require the broad support of Americans, so today I want to speak to every person who voted for my opponent. To make this nation stronger and better, I will need your support and I will work to earn it. I will do all I can do to deserve your trust. A new term is a new opportunity to reach out to the whole nation. We have one country, one Constitution, and one future that binds us. And when we come together and work together, there is no limit to the greatness of America. (Cheers, applause.)Let me close with a word to the people of the state of Texas. (Cheers, applause.) We have known each other the longest, and you started me on this journey. On the open plains of Texas, I first learned the character of our country; sturdy and honest, and as hopeful as the break of day. I will always be grateful to the good people of my state. And whatever the road that lies ahead, that road will take me home.A campaign has ended, and the United States of America goes forward with confidence and faith. I see a great day coming for our country, and I am eager for the work ahead. God bless you. And may God bless America. (Cheers, applause.)--------------------------------------------------------------------------------布什: 此次选民的投票率创下了历史新高，带来了历史性的胜利。今天早些时候，克里参议员打电话祝贺我竞选成功。我们在电话中谈得挺好，他非常亲切。克里参议员发起了猛烈的竞选攻势，他和他的支持者可以为此感到自豪。劳拉和我向克里、特里萨以及他们全家表示最衷心的祝愿。 美国做出了选择。对于同胞们的信任，我很感激。这种信任意味着我将承担为所有美国公民服务的义务。作为你们的总统，我每天都将竭尽全力。 我需要感谢许多人，首先是我的家人。劳拉是我一生的挚爱，我对你们也爱她感到高兴。我还要感谢在竞选后期加入竞选团的女儿，感谢兄弟姐妹们付出的努力，特别感谢严父慈母的支持。 我感谢副总统、（他的夫人）莱尼和他们的女儿。他们付出了努力，是竞选团的重要成员。副总统聪明睿智、正直高贵，我为跟他共事感到自豪。 我感谢优秀的竞选团，感谢你们所有人付出的努力。你们的勤奋和智慧每天都给我留下了深刻的印象。 我感谢全国上下成千上万名支持者，感谢你们在竞选集会上的拥抱、祈祷和亲切言语，感谢你们想方设法打出标语，呼吁邻居前去投票。 正是由于你们付出了惊人的努力，我们今天才能庆祝胜利。 俗话说，不要祈求能力所能胜任的任务，要祈求能胜任任务的能力。在四年历史性时期，美国被赋予了伟大的任务，并以实力和勇气面对这些任务。我国人民使经济活力复苏，并在新型战争中显示出决心和耐心。我军已经将敌人绳之以法，给美国带来了荣誉。我国保卫了自己，维护了全人类的自由。领导这样出色的国家，我感到自豪；带领这个国家前进，我感到自豪。 我们已经完成了艰难的任务，进入了充满希望的时期。我们将继续推动经济增长，改革落后的税法，为下一代加强社会保障。我们将尽量改善公立学校，维护在家庭和信仰方面的核心价值观。 我们将帮助伊拉克和阿富汗建立民主制度……，以便他们增强实力和维护自由。然后，我军官兵将带着他们获得的荣誉回国。在优秀盟国的支持下，我们将动用美国的一切力量打赢这场反恐战争，确保我们的孩子们的自由与和平。 要实现这些目标，美国公民的广泛支持是必不可缺的。因此今天，我要对支持对手的所有人说，为了让美国变得更强大更美好，我需要你们的支持，我也将努力获得你们的支持，并将竭尽所能以担当得起你们的支持。 新一届任期使我有机会影响整个国家。正是同一个国家、同一部宪法和同一个未来把我们联系到了一起。当我们一起努力的时候，美国的前途无可限量。 作为结束语，请允许我向得克萨斯州人民讲几句话：我们彼此认识的时间最长，你们是我旅程的起点。在得州广阔无垠的平原上，我初次学到了美国的特点：强壮有力、真诚坦率，充满了黎明般的希望。我将永远感谢这个州的优秀人民。不管前方的路怎么样，这条路都将带我回家。 选举已经结束，美利坚合众国将充满自信地前进。我看到我们的国家正迎来伟大的日子，很期待下一周的开始。 愿上帝保佑你们，保佑美国！我这里还多那如果需要的话给我联系QQ：410469971
里根总统复旦演讲稿英语
演讲，是指在公众场所，以有声语言为主要手段，以体态语言为辅助手段，针对某个具体问题，鲜明、完整地发表自己的见解和主张。下面就由我为大家带来关于集锦，希望大家能有所收获。
关于演讲的相关短语
演讲 give a speech or lecture
演讲 public speakingdiscourse upon
演讲 give a lecture
演讲 make a speech
做演讲 give a talk ;
即兴演讲 Impromptu Speech ;
公共演讲 Public Speaking ;
演讲室 Lecture Room ;
公众演讲 public speaking ;
有效演讲 effective presentation
就职演讲 Inaugural Address ;
结束演讲 Wrapping it up ; conclude a speech
演讲技能 Presentation skills
关于演讲的相关单词
lecture
oratorize
orate
speech
speak
talk
discourse
declaim
address ADDR; ADR
speaking
关于演讲的词语辨析
lecture, speech, oration, address, report, talk这组词都有“演讲，讲话，报告”的意思，其区别是：
lecture 侧重带学术性的演讲。
speech 普通用词，指一般的发言或讲话，可以是事先准备的，也可以是即席的。
oration 常指在特殊场合，辞藻华丽，形式庄重，旨在激发听众感情的正式演说。
address 正式用词，指在庄严隆重的场合作精心准备的演讲或正式演说。
report 一般是指下级给上级或负责人给委托机关的书面或口头报告。
talk 常用词，强调非正式讲话，讲话方式一般较为自由。
关于演讲的相关例句
1. In an emotionally charged speech, he said he was resigning.
在一次煽情的演讲中，他说他要辞职。
2. His speeches were magnificently written but his delivery was hopeless.
他的发言稿写得非常精彩，但他的演讲风格真是无可救药。
3. Reagan's speech was met with incre *** ty in the US.
里根的演讲在美国遭到了质疑。
4. It would also train women union members in public speaking and decision-making.
它还将培养工会的女性成员公开演讲和决策的能力。
5. His work schedule still includes speaking engagements and other public appearances.
他的工作日程表上还包括演讲安排和在其他公开场合的露面。
6. His speech was greeted with a storm of applause.
人们对他的演讲报以雷鸣般的掌声。
7. He listened to Howard give the valedictory address at high school graduation.
他听了霍华德在中学毕业典礼上作的告别演讲。
8. She is due to make a speech on the economy next week.
她将在下周作一个关于经济的演讲。
9. He thought the speech a model of its kind, limpid and unaffected.
他认为这一演讲堪称典范，简洁流畅，清新自然。
10. The speech was as poetically written as any he'd ever heard.
这一演讲的文字表现力之丰富可与他听过的任何一篇相比肩。
11. Yesterday's speech to the Scottish party conference rehearsed the arguments again.
昨天在苏格兰党人会议上的演讲中又一次重复了这些观点。
12. Any hope that the speech would end the war was short-lived.
期待这场演讲能结束战争的希望很快便破灭了。
13. He grew bored by the sameness of the speeches.
这些千篇一律的演讲让他心生厌烦。
14. Mr Adams' speech yesterday was very loud in condemnation of the media.
亚当斯先生在昨天的演讲中痛斥媒体。
15. Last night, the president presented a shorter, simplified version of his speech.
昨晚，总统发表了一番更加简短明了的演讲。
关于演讲的双语例句
他用一则有趣的笑话结束了演讲。
He closed his speech with a funny joke.
他的演讲很受欢迎。
His speech was favorably received.
我领会了这篇演讲的要点。
I grasped the main point of the speech.
他们听不懂这次演讲。
They could not follow the lecture.
他写下演讲的提纲。
He wrote down the outline of his lecture.
那位演讲者在演讲过程中几次参看演讲稿。
The speaker referred to his notes several times during the speech.
政治演讲和学术演讲是两类不同的演讲。
Political speeches differ from academic speeches in terms of content and purpose.
演讲者登上讲台，开始向集聚的人群发表演讲。
The speaker mounted the platform and began to speak to the assembled crowd.
演讲者被请求演讲时再大声一些。
The speaker was asked to deliver her speech in a louder voice.
.我有次去买羊肉串伸出4个手指对老板说“来3根羊肉串”老板蒙了“几根？”我又伸出3个手指说“4根”……4.印象里小学时的班长极其严肃，一次自习课，教室里人声鼎沸，班长维护了几次秩序之后终于忍无可忍，站起来一拍桌子怒吼道:谁再吵，把他嘴打断!!!……全班肃静5.刚上大学，军训，连长不知道是哪里的口音，喊口令——“向左钻！”“向右钻！”6.昨一同事问我。节日的节怎么写？我回答.草字头下面加一个节日的节去掉草字头！全体人员爆笑!我还一时没有反应过来!
一见如故，这是与客户沟通的理想境界。无论是谁，如果具有跟初交客户一见如故的能耐，他便能给客户留下亲切和深刻的印象，接下来的沟通也会变得顺畅。要达到一见如故的效果，销售人员是可以通过一些技巧来实现的。
与客户初次见面就能营造出一见如故的氛围，这是与客户沟通的理想境界。如果销售人员能够在初次见面便使客户产生一见如故的感觉，他便能给客户留下亲切和深刻的印象，接下来的沟通也会变得顺畅。
销售人员怎样才能在与客户见面之初便能让客户产生一见如故的亲切感呢？关键是与客户见面交谈之前要做好充分的准备。优秀的销售人员，除了有高超的语言技巧，无一不是在未见初交者其人之前早已了解客户的大概情况。美国前总统富兰克林、罗斯福跟任何一位来访者交谈、不管是牧童还是政客，他都能用三言两语赢得对方的好感。他的秘诀就是：在接见来访者的前一晚，必花一定时间了解来访者的基本情况，特别是来访者最感兴趣的题目。这样，一交谈就能有的放矢，切中肯綮。
两位素不相识的旅客在旅馆碰面，互相攀谈起来。
“您听口音不是苏北人啊？”
“噢，山东枣庄人！”
“啊，枣庄是个好地方啊！我在读小学时就在《铁道游击队》连环画上知道了。三年前去了一趟枣庄，还颇有兴致地玩了一遭呢。”
听了这话，那位枣庄客人马上来了兴趣，二人从枣庄和铁道游击队谈开了，那亲热劲，不知底细的人恐怕要以为他们是一道来的呢。接着他们就是互赠名片，共进晚餐，睡觉前双方居然还在各自身边带来的合同上签了字：枣庄客人订了苏南某人造革厂的一批风桶；苏南客人从枣庄客人那里弄到一批价格比较合理的议价煤。
他们的相识，交谈与成功，就在于他们找到了“铁道游击队”都熟悉的兴趣点。“铁道游击队”他们之间产生一见如故的感觉，并使他们给对方留下深刻的印象，愿意进一步进行交流，接下来的合作沟通也就变得十分顺畅。
【专家点拨】
要达到一见如故的效果，销售人员是可以通过一些技巧来实现的，下面介绍的几种开场白对营造一见如故的感觉有立竿见影的效果。
1.攀亲认友
一般来说，对一个素不相识的客户，只要事前作一番认真的调查研究，你都可以找到或明或隐、或远或近的亲远关系。而当你在见面时及时拉上这层关系，就能一下缩短心理距离，使对方产生亲切感。比如，1984年5月，美国里根总统访问复旦大学。在一问大教室内，面对一百多位初次见面的复旦学生，里根的开场白就是：“其实，你们学校有着密切的关系。你们的谢希德校长同我的夫人南希都是美国史密斯学院的校友，照此看来，朋友了！”此话一出，全场鼓场。下面的交谈自然十分热烈，极为融洽。
2.扬长避短
人人都有长处，也都有短处。人们一般都希望别人多谈自己的长处，不希望别人多谈自己的短处，这是人之常情。跟新客户交谈时，如果以直接或间接赞扬对方的长处作为开场白，就能使对方高兴，交谈的积极性也就能得到极大激发。被誉为“销售权威”的霍伊拉先生的交际诀窍是：初次交谈一定要扬人之长逼人之短。有一回，为了替报社拉广告，他拜访梅依百货公司总经理。寒暄之后，霍依拉突然发问题：“你是在哪儿学会开飞机的？总经理能开飞机可真不简单啊。”话音刚落，总经理兴奋异常，谈兴勃发，广告之事当然不在话下。
3.表达友情
用三言两语恰到好处地表达你对对方的友好情意，或肯定其成就，或赞扬其品质，或欢迎其光临，或同情其处境，就会顷刻间暖其心田，就会使对方油然而生一见如故，欣逢知己之感。美国爱荷花洲的文波特市，有一个极具人情味的服务项目——全天候电话聊天。每个月又几百名孤单寂寞者使用这个电话。主持这个电话的专家们最得人心的是第一句话：“今天我也和你一样感到孤独、寂寞、凄凉”。这句话表达了充分理解之情，因而产生了强烈的共鸣作用。
4.添趣助兴
用风趣活泼的三言两语扫除跟新客户交谈时的拘束感和方位心理，以活跃气氛，增添对方的交谈兴致，这是炉火纯青的交际艺术。
【有效沟通学精要】
营造与客户一见如故的感觉，销售人员应该学会以下几种技巧：
1.会面之前做好功课，充分了解客户，勾勒客户的兴趣关注点。
2.良好的观察力，善于从客户的表情、服饰、谈吐、举止等方面的表现来寻找共同话题。
3.观察对方的谈话揣摩地方、兴趣等细微的小处来通过一个共同点来展开谈话。
4.拥有让人愉快的微笑。
5.找出与对方的共同点，这样即使是初次见面，无形之中也会涌起亲密感，一旦接近了心理的距离，双方很容易推心置腹。
6.表现出自己关心对方，搜集对方的资料，让他感受到你的诚意和热忱。
7.坐在对方的身边，那样与可户之间会很快亲近起来。
有一次，里根要向全国发表广播讲话，在即将开始正式讲话前，播音室的工作人员在做最后准备。“里根先生，请您再试一下音响，几分钟以后就要正式播音了。”里根坐在话筒前，用一种庄重的声音说“美国的公民们，我很高兴的告诉你们，今天我签署了一项毁灭俄国的法令。5分钟以后我们将开始轰击俄国。”这句话刚说完，播音室里马上就乱了套。有人怀疑音响发生了故障，有人以为自己的耳朵出了毛病。一位工作人员战战兢兢地问“总统先生，您不是正式宣布吧？”“当然不是，只不过是个玩笑而已，就像倒数9、8、7、6、5、4、3、2、1一样。”“还剩两分钟，你不想再试一次吗？”“不想试了。”“请无论若何再试一次吧？”“为什么？”“现在音响室里的很多人已经放下了手里的工作，出去给自己的太太打电话。”“究竟发生了什么事？”“他们要告诉家里早早做好对付俄国的准备。”
美国总统演讲稿经典英文
少了一句 毋宁说，倒是我们这些活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完全的事业。
美国历届总统就职演说之---第十八任总统ulysses s. grant的就职演讲稿
firstinaugural address of ulysses s. grant
citizens of the united states:
your suffrages having elected me to the office of president of the united states尤利西斯·s.格兰特 简介, i have, in conformity to the constitution of our country, taken the oath of office prescribed therein. i have taken this oath without mental reservation and with the determination to do to the best of my ability all that is required of me. the responsibilities of the position i feel, but accept them without fear. the office has come to me unsought; i commence its duties untrammeled. i bring to it a conscious desire and determination to fill it to the best of my ability to the satisfaction of the people.
on all leading questions agitating the public mind i will always express my views to congress and urge them according to my judgment, and when i think it advisable will exercise the constitutional privilege of interposing a veto to defeat measures which i oppose; but all laws will be faithfully executed, whether they meet my approval or not.
i shall on all subjects have a policy to recommend, but none to enforce against the will of the people. laws are to govern all alike—those opposed as well as those who favor them. i know no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution.
the country having just emerged from a great rebellion, many questions will come before it for settlement in the next four years which preceding administrations have never had to deal with. in meeting these it is desirable that they should be approached calmly, without prejudice,hate尤利西斯·s.格兰特 简介, or sectional pride, remembering that the greatest good to the greatest number is the object to be attained.
葛底斯堡演说是美国前总统林肯最著名的演说，内容：
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
八十七年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上给我们带来了一个新的共和国，她受孕于自由的理念，并献身于一切人生来平等的理想。
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.
如今我们卷入了一场巨大的内战，以考验我们或任何一个受孕于自由和献身于上述理想的共和国是否能够长久生存下去。
We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that nation might live.
我们聚集在这场战争中的一个重要战场上，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场土地的一部分奉献给那些为使这个共和国能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命的烈士们作为最后安息之所。
It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。
But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground.
但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，不是我们奉献、圣化或神化了这块土地，而是那些活着的或者已经死去的、曾经在这里战斗过的英雄们使得这块土地成为神圣之土，其神圣远非我们的渺小之力可增减。
The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.
世人不会注意，也不会记住我们在这里说什么。
The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
但是他们永远无法忘记那些英雄们的行为。这更要求我们这些活着的人去继续那些英雄们为之战斗的未尽事业。
It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.
我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；
It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion
我们更应该在这里献身于我们面前的伟大任务——从这些光荣的死者身上，我们对他们最后一次全身心投入的事业更加投入。
that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲——要使这个国家在上帝保佑下得到新生——要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
扩展资料：
1863年7月1日至3日发生的葛底斯堡战役正值美国内战关键时刻。在三天的战事中，双方发射了700万发子弹，双方伤、亡、失踪人数多达万人，也因此成为美国历史上最为血腥的战斗。
战斗结束后，仅在葛底斯堡大地上死亡的5000匹战马便成为恐怖一景。此役之后，北方赢得战争，因而避免国家分裂之势再也不可逆转。
时任美国总统的林肯在宾夕法尼亚州的葛底斯堡的葛底斯堡国家公墓揭幕式中发表此次演说，哀悼在长达五个半月的葛底斯堡之役中阵亡的将士。
尽管这场演说名垂青史，声震寰宇，其确切之措辞却颇受争议。五份已知的演说稿，与当时新闻报道中的誊抄本，于若干细节上彼此互异。
参考资料来源：百度百科——葛底斯堡演说
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 87年前，我们的先辈在这个大陆上创建了一个新的国家。她孕育于自由之中，奉行人人生来平等的信条。 现在我们正进行一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行人人生来平等信条的国家是否能够长久坚持下去。我们相聚在这场战争的一个伟大战场上，我们来到这里把这战场的一部分奉献给那些为国家生存而捐躯的人们，作为他们最后的安息之所。我们这样做是完全适合的、恰当的。但是，从更高的意义上说，我们是不能奉献，不能圣化，也不能神化这片土地的，因为那些曾经在这里战斗过的人们，活着的和死去的人们，已经圣化了这片土地，他们所做的远非我们的微薄之力所能扬抑。这个世界不大会注意也不会长久记得我们今天在这里所说的话，但是，它永远不会忘记勇士们在这里所做的事。 毋宁说，我们活着的人，应该献身于留在我们面前的伟大任务：从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，以完成他们精诚所至的事业；我们在此下定最大的决心，以不让死者白白牺牲；让这个国家在上帝的保佑下获得自由的新生；让这个民有、民治、民享的政府与世长存。
美国总统的演讲稿英文版
1961年,肯尼迪就职大典 时间：1961年1月20日 地点：国会大厦 我来说两句 今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。 现在的世界已大不相同了。 人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。 今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪－－他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。 让每个国家都知道－－不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落－－为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。 这些就是我们的保证－－而且还有更多的保证。 对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成－－因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。 对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由－－而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。 对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间－－之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。 对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证－－在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。 对联合国，主权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。 最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。 我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。 但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。 因此，让我们双方重新开始－－双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。 让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。 让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。 让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。 让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令－－“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。） 如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和平将得到维护。 所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。 公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。 现在，号角已再次吹响－－不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人－－专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。 为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？ 在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。 因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。 全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。 最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。
英文版在此！请看：John F. Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESSFRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of much we pledge--and those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may , to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war. So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free." And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. uUlsda EIn your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of , whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.中文版，看这里：1961年,肯尼迪就职大典 时间：1961年1月20日 地点：国会大厦 我来说两句 今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。 现在的世界已大不相同了。 人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。 今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪－－他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。 让每个国家都知道－－不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落－－为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。 这些就是我们的保证－－而且还有更多的保证。 对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成－－因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。 对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由－－而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。 对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间－－之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。 对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证－－在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。 对联合国，主权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。 最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。 我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。 但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。 因此，让我们双方重新开始－－双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。 让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。 让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。 让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。 让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令－－“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。） 如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和平将得到维护。 所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。 公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。 现在，号角已再次吹响－－不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人－－专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。 为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？ 在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。 因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。 全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。 最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。
少了一句 毋宁说，倒是我们这些活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完全的事业。
葛底斯堡演说是美国前总统林肯最著名的演说，内容：
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
八十七年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上给我们带来了一个新的共和国，她受孕于自由的理念，并献身于一切人生来平等的理想。
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.
如今我们卷入了一场巨大的内战，以考验我们或任何一个受孕于自由和献身于上述理想的共和国是否能够长久生存下去。
We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that nation might live.
我们聚集在这场战争中的一个重要战场上，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场土地的一部分奉献给那些为使这个共和国能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命的烈士们作为最后安息之所。
It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。
But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground.
但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，不是我们奉献、圣化或神化了这块土地，而是那些活着的或者已经死去的、曾经在这里战斗过的英雄们使得这块土地成为神圣之土，其神圣远非我们的渺小之力可增减。
The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.
世人不会注意，也不会记住我们在这里说什么。
The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
但是他们永远无法忘记那些英雄们的行为。这更要求我们这些活着的人去继续那些英雄们为之战斗的未尽事业。
It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.
我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；
It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion
我们更应该在这里献身于我们面前的伟大任务——从这些光荣的死者身上，我们对他们最后一次全身心投入的事业更加投入。
that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲——要使这个国家在上帝保佑下得到新生——要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
扩展资料：
1863年7月1日至3日发生的葛底斯堡战役正值美国内战关键时刻。在三天的战事中，双方发射了700万发子弹，双方伤、亡、失踪人数多达万人，也因此成为美国历史上最为血腥的战斗。
战斗结束后，仅在葛底斯堡大地上死亡的5000匹战马便成为恐怖一景。此役之后，北方赢得战争，因而避免国家分裂之势再也不可逆转。
时任美国总统的林肯在宾夕法尼亚州的葛底斯堡的葛底斯堡国家公墓揭幕式中发表此次演说，哀悼在长达五个半月的葛底斯堡之役中阵亡的将士。
尽管这场演说名垂青史，声震寰宇，其确切之措辞却颇受争议。五份已知的演说稿，与当时新闻报道中的誊抄本，于若干细节上彼此互异。
参考资料来源：百度百科——葛底斯堡演说
历届美国总统演讲稿中英文
葛底斯堡演说是美国前总统林肯最著名的演说，内容：
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
八十七年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上给我们带来了一个新的共和国，她受孕于自由的理念，并献身于一切人生来平等的理想。
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.
如今我们卷入了一场巨大的内战，以考验我们或任何一个受孕于自由和献身于上述理想的共和国是否能够长久生存下去。
We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that nation might live.
我们聚集在这场战争中的一个重要战场上，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场土地的一部分奉献给那些为使这个共和国能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命的烈士们作为最后安息之所。
It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。
But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground.
但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，不是我们奉献、圣化或神化了这块土地，而是那些活着的或者已经死去的、曾经在这里战斗过的英雄们使得这块土地成为神圣之土，其神圣远非我们的渺小之力可增减。
The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.
世人不会注意，也不会记住我们在这里说什么。
The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.
但是他们永远无法忘记那些英雄们的行为。这更要求我们这些活着的人去继续那些英雄们为之战斗的未尽事业。
It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.
我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；
It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion
我们更应该在这里献身于我们面前的伟大任务——从这些光荣的死者身上，我们对他们最后一次全身心投入的事业更加投入。
that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲——要使这个国家在上帝保佑下得到新生——要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
扩展资料：
1863年7月1日至3日发生的葛底斯堡战役正值美国内战关键时刻。在三天的战事中，双方发射了700万发子弹，双方伤、亡、失踪人数多达万人，也因此成为美国历史上最为血腥的战斗。
战斗结束后，仅在葛底斯堡大地上死亡的5000匹战马便成为恐怖一景。此役之后，北方赢得战争，因而避免国家分裂之势再也不可逆转。
时任美国总统的林肯在宾夕法尼亚州的葛底斯堡的葛底斯堡国家公墓揭幕式中发表此次演说，哀悼在长达五个半月的葛底斯堡之役中阵亡的将士。
尽管这场演说名垂青史，声震寰宇，其确切之措辞却颇受争议。五份已知的演说稿，与当时新闻报道中的誊抄本，于若干细节上彼此互异。
参考资料来源：百度百科——葛底斯堡演说
奥巴马在各种大大小小的场合都发表过演说。他既能使人捧腹,也可以催人泪下。无论在什么场合,他的演讲总是那么得体,思想与文笔交相辉映。以下是美国总统奥巴马在弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿郡韦克菲尔德高中开学典礼的 励志演讲 稿全文，一起来看看奥巴马励志 演讲稿 :我们为什么要上学吧!
Hello, everybody! Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, everybody. All right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. How is everybody doing today? (Applause.) How about Tim Spicer? (Applause.) I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia. And we’ve got students tuning in from all across America, from kindergarten through 12th grade. And I am just so glad that all could join us today. And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host. Give yourselves a big round of applause. (Applause.)
I know that for many of you, today is the first day of school. And for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it’s your first day in a new school, so it’s understandable if you’re a little nervous. I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go. And no matter what grade you’re in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could’ve stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.
I know that feeling. When I was young, my family lived overseas. I lived in Indonesia for a few years. And my mother, she didn’t have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education. So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, Monday through Friday. But because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.
Now, as you might imagine, I wasn’t too happy about getting up that early. And a lot of times, I’d fall asleep right there at the kitchen table. But whenever I’d complain, my mother would just give me one of those looks and she’d say, “This is no picnic for me either, buster.” (Laughter.)
So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school. But I’m here today because I have something important to discuss with you. I’m here because I want to talk with you about your education and what’s expected of all of you in this new school year.
Now, I’ve given a lot of speeches about education. And I’ve talked about responsibility a lot.
I’ve talked about teachers’ responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn.
I’ve talked about your parents’ responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get your homework done, and don’t spend every waking hour in front of the TV or with the Xbox.
I’ve talked a lot about your government’s responsibility for setting high standards, and supporting teachers and principals, and turning around schools that aren’t working, where students aren’t getting the opportunities that they deserve.
But at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed. That’s what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.
I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself. Every single one of you has something that you’re good at. Every single one of you has something to offer. And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is. That’s the opportunity an education can provide.
Maybe you could be a great writer -- maybe even good enough to write a book or articles in a newspaper -- but you might not know it until you write that English paper -- that English class paper that’s assigned to you. Maybe you could be an innovator or an inventor -- maybe even good enough to come up with the next iPhone or the new medicine or vaccine -- but you might not know it until you do your project for your science class. Maybe you could be a mayor or a senator or a Supreme Court justice -- but you might not know that until you join student government or the debate team.
And no matter what you want to do with your life, I guarantee that you’ll need an education to do it. You want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? You want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? You’re going to need a good education for every single one of those careers. You cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job. You’ve got to train for it and work for it and learn for it.
And this isn’t just important for your own life and your own future. What you make of your education will decide nothing less than the future of this country. The future of America depends on you. What you’re learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future.
You’ll need the knowledge and problem-solving skills you learn in science and math to cure diseases like cancer and AIDS, and to develop new energy technologies and protect our environment. You’ll need the insights and critical-thinking skills you gain in history and social studies to fight poverty and homelessness, crime and discrimination, and make our nation more fair and more free. You’ll need the creativity and ingenuity you develop in all your classes to build new companies that will create new jobs and boost our economy.
We need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems. If you don’t do that -- if you quit on school -- you’re not just quitting on yourself, you’re quitting on your country.
Now, I know it’s not always easy to do well in school. I know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork.
I get it. I know what it’s like. My father left my family when I was two years old, and I was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn’t always able to give us the things that other kids had. There were times when I missed having a father in my life. There were times when I was lonely and I felt like I didn’t fit in.
So I wasn’t always as focused as I should have been on school, and I did some things I’m not proud of, and I got in more trouble than I should have. And my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse.
But I was -- I was lucky. I got a lot of second chances, and I had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams. My wife, our First Lady Michelle Obama, she has a similar story. Neither of her parents had gone to college, and they didn’t have a lot of money. But they worked hard, and she worked hard, so that she could go to the best schools in this country.
Some of you might not have those advantages. Maybe you don’t have adults in your life who give you the support that you need. Maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there’s not enough money to go around. Maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don’t feel safe, or have friends who are pressuring you to do things you know aren’t right.
But at the end of the day, the circumstances of your life -- what you look like, where you come from, how much money you have, what you’ve got going on at home -- none of that is an excuse for neglecting your homework or having a bad attitude in school. That’s no excuse for talking back to your teacher, or cutting class, or dropping out of school. There is no excuse for not trying.
Where you are right now doesn’t have to determine where you’ll end up. No one’s written your destiny for you, because here in America, you write your own destiny. You make your own future.
That’s what young people like you are doing every day, all across America.
Young people like Jazmin Perez, from Roma, Texas. Jazmin didn’t speak English when she first started school. Neither of her parents had gone to college. But she worked hard, earned good grades, and got a scholarship to Brown University -- is now in graduate school, studying public health, on her way to becoming Dr. Jazmin Perez.
I’m thinking about Andoni Schultz, from Los Altos, California, who’s fought brain cancer since he was three. He’s had to endure all sorts of treatments and surgeries, one of which affected his memory, so it took him much longer -- hundreds of extra hours -- to do his schoolwork. But he never fell behind. He’s headed to college this fall.
And then there’s Shantell Steve, from my hometown of Chicago, Illinois. Even when bouncing from foster home to foster home in the toughest neighborhoods in the city, she managed to get a job at a local health care center, start a program to keep young people out of gangs, and she’s on track to graduate high school with honors and go on to college.
And Jazmin, Andoni, and Shantell aren’t any different from any of you. They face challenges in their lives just like you do. In some cases they’ve got it a lot worse off than many of you. But they refused to give up. They chose to take responsibility for their lives, for their education, and set goals for themselves. And I expect all of you to do the same.
That’s why today I’m calling on each of you to set your own goals for your education -- and do everything you can to meet them. Your goal can be something as simple as doing all your homework, paying attention in class, or spending some time each day reading a book. Maybe you’ll decide to get involved in an extracurricular activity, or volunteer in your community. Maybe you’ll decide to stand up for kids who are being teased or bullied because of who they are or how they look, because you believe, like I do, that all young people deserve a safe environment to study and learn. Maybe you’ll decide to take better care of yourself so you can be more ready to learn. And along those lines, by the way, I hope all of you are washing your hands a lot, and that you stay home from school when you don’t feel well, so we can keep people from getting the flu this fall and winter.
But whatever you resolve to do, I want you to commit to it. I want you to really work at it.
I know that sometimes you get that sense from TV that you can be rich and successful without any hard work -- that your ticket to success is through rapping or basketball or being a reality TV star. Chances are you’re not going to be any of those things.
The truth is, being successful is hard. You won’t love every subject that you study. You won’t click with every teacher that you have. Not every homework assignment will seem completely relevant to your life right at this minute. And you won’t necessarily succeed at everything the first time you try.
That’s okay. Some of the most successful people in the world are the ones who’ve had the most failures. . Rowling’s -- who wrote Harry Potter -- her first Harry Potter book was rejected 12 times before it was finally published. Michael Jordan was cut from his high school basketball team. He lost hundreds of games and missed thousands of shots during his career. But he once said, “I have failed over and over and over again in my life. And that’s why I succeed.”
These people succeeded because they understood that you can’t let your failures define you -- you have to let your failures teach you. You have to let them show you what to do differently the next time. So if you get into trouble, that doesn’t mean you’re a troublemaker, it means you need to try harder to act right. If you get a bad grade, that doesn’t mean you’re stupid, it just means you need to spend more time studying.
No one’s born being good at all things. You become good at things through hard work. You’re not a varsity athlete the first time you play a new sport. You don’t hit every note the first time you sing a song. You’ve got to practice. The same principle applies to your schoolwork. You might have to do a math problem a few times before you get it right. You might have to read something a few times before you understand it. You definitely have to do a few drafts of a paper before it’s good enough to hand in.
Don’t be afraid to ask questions. Don’t be afraid to ask for help when you need it. I do that every day. Asking for help isn’t a sign of weakness, it’s a sign of strength because it shows you have the courage to admit when you don’t know something, and that then allows you to learn something new. So find an adult that you trust -- a parent, a grandparent or teacher, a coach or a counselor -- and ask them to help you stay on track to meet your goals.
And even when you’re struggling, even when you’re discouraged, and you feel like other people have given up on you, don’t ever give up on yourself, because when you give up on yourself, you give up on your country.
The story of America isn’t about people who quit when things got tough. It’s about people who kept going, who tried harder, who loved their country too much to do anything less than their best.
It’s the story of students who sat where you sit 250 years ago, and went on to wage a revolution and they founded this nation. Young people. Students who sat where you sit 75 years ago who overcame a Depression and won a world war; who fought for civil rights and put a man on the moon. Students who sat where you sit 20 years ago who founded Google and Twitter and Facebook and changed the way we communicate with each other.
So today, I want to ask all of you, what’s your contribution going to be? What problems are you going to solve? What discoveries will you make? What will a President who comes here in 20 or 50 or 100 years say about what all of you did for this country?
Now, your families, your teachers, and I are doing everything we can to make sure you have the education you need to answer these questions. I’m working hard to fix up your classrooms and get you the books and the equipment and the computers you need to learn. But you’ve got to do your part, too. So I expect all of you to get serious this year. I expect you to put your best effort into everything you do. I expect great things from each of you. So don’t let us down. Don’t let your family down or your country down. Most of all, don’t let yourself down. Make us all proud.
Thank you very much, everybody. God bless you. God bless America. Thank you. (Applause.)
>>>下一页是奥巴马励志演讲稿中文版
美国历届总统就职演说之---第十八任总统ulysses s. grant的就职演讲稿
firstinaugural address of ulysses s. grant
citizens of the united states:
your suffrages having elected me to the office of president of the united states尤利西斯·s.格兰特 简介, i have, in conformity to the constitution of our country, taken the oath of office prescribed therein. i have taken this oath without mental reservation and with the determination to do to the best of my ability all that is required of me. the responsibilities of the position i feel, but accept them without fear. the office has come to me unsought; i commence its duties untrammeled. i bring to it a conscious desire and determination to fill it to the best of my ability to the satisfaction of the people.
on all leading questions agitating the public mind i will always express my views to congress and urge them according to my judgment, and when i think it advisable will exercise the constitutional privilege of interposing a veto to defeat measures which i oppose; but all laws will be faithfully executed, whether they meet my approval or not.
i shall on all subjects have a policy to recommend, but none to enforce against the will of the people. laws are to govern all alike—those opposed as well as those who favor them. i know no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution.
the country having just emerged from a great rebellion, many questions will come before it for settlement in the next four years which preceding administrations have never had to deal with. in meeting these it is desirable that they should be approached calmly, without prejudice,hate尤利西斯·s.格兰特 简介, or sectional pride, remembering that the greatest good to the greatest number is the object to be attained.
